![]() Then, just to drive in the ax, the court went ahead and assessed the new map from “ground zero anyway.” It easily concluded that, like the previous plan, these districts violated the Voting Rights Act by denying Black citizens an equal shot at electing their preferred representatives. They simply insisted that their new map restarted the entire legal process, erasing the court’s past analysis and forcing it to begin again from square one. Indeed, he and his colleagues did not even claim to follow the court’s order. GOP House Speaker Nathaniel Ledbetter gave the game away when he explained that “the Supreme Court ruling was 5–4, so there’s just one judge that needed to see something different.” His goal was not to draw a lawful map, but to peel off a conservative justice from the Supreme Court majority. Of course, 40 percent is not a majority, nor is it “quite close to” a majority under the Supreme Court’s voting rights precedents. Instead, Black Alabamians make up just under 40 percent of the district’s voting-age population. Its new “opportunity” district did not give Black voters a majority “or something quite close to it,” as the district court had called for and the Supreme Court had endorsed. After a pointless delay, the Legislature enacted a map that contained the same flaws as the old one. And whenever a state legislature challenges the Supreme Court’s power, you should never bet against the court.Īlabama Republicans, however, treated the Supreme Court’s ruling as a mere suggestion. If Alabama appeals to SCOTUS, the justices will notice this shift. The court’s exhaustive 196-page decision not only shoots down the new, racist maps, but also adds a new layer to the case: This dispute is now largely about the federal judiciary’s authority to enforce its own decisions against states dead-set on eviscerating the voting rights of their Black residents. But the opinion is still remarkable for its caustic and exasperated criticism of the state’s legislative leaders for their perfidious yet bumbling efforts to evade a court order. The decision was entirely predictable given that GOP lawmakers have openly refused to draw districts that comply with the Supreme Court’s recent ruling against them. ![]() © TAMPA BAY BUCCANEERS.Alabama Republicans’ brash defiance of the Supreme Court hit a wall on Tuesday when a federal district court declared that the state’s new congressional maps discriminate against Black citizens in violation of the Voting Rights Act. The Buccaneers' defense will have a steep challenge on Sunday afternoon. Then, there is rookie receiver Jordan Addison, who blends immediate acceleration, crafty routes and twitchiness to generate spacing. The addition of Josh Oliver, a predominant inline blocking tight end, will help achieve versatility in two-tight end sets, cultivating mismatches for Hockenson. He finished fifth in the NFL last year in third down receptions, and is adept at working voids in coverage. Hockenson signed a four-year, $68.5 million deal with Minnesota during the offseason, resetting the market with the largest tight end deal in NFL history. However, when opponents aim to prevent Jefferson from taking the top of the defense with a two-high shell, that creates opportunities for teammates to exploit the underneath area of the field. He has become a nuisance for defenses around the NFL with his savvy route running and yards-after-catch prowess. Additionally, he led the NFL in catches of 20 or more yards (28). Jefferson led the league in targets (184), receptions (128) and receiving yards (1,809). Minnesota's offense posted the sixth-most passing yards in the NFL last season, with Justin Jefferson serving as the beneficiary. ![]() The Vikings have a myriad of offensive weapons at Kirk Cousins' disposal.
0 Comments
Leave a Reply. |
AuthorWrite something about yourself. No need to be fancy, just an overview. ArchivesCategories |